united states china open letter

Before the G20 China-US Summit in Osaka, hundreds of Asian experts jointly signed a letter to the White House, calling on the US government not to oppose China as an enemy. According to reports, at that time, this group of authoritative experts decided to publish the full text in the main media.

On Wednesday (July 3), the open letter entitled “Making China a US enemy is counterproductive” was published in the Washington Post, using the “seven-point claim” to President Trang General and Congressmen expressed concern about the deteriorating Sino-US relations.

The following is the full text of the open letter and the list of signed experts attached to the letter:

President Trump and members of Congress:

We are members of academia, foreign policy, military and business. Most of us are from the United States, and many of them have been paying attention to the Asian region throughout their careers. We are deeply worried about the deterioration of Sino-US relations. We believe that the situation is not in line with the interests of the United States or the world. Although we are deeply disturbed by Beijing’s recent behavior and believe that it needs a strong response, we also believe that Many US initiatives are the main reason for the decline in Sino-US relations.

The next seven points represent our collective views on China and the US strategy toward China and the more effective elements of the US China policy. Listing our work organization is just to show our identity.

First, in recent years, China’s disturbing behaviors – including increased regulation in the country, strengthening state control over private companies, failing to deliver on multiple trade commitments, strengthening control over foreign opinions, and being more aggressive Foreign policy – posing a serious challenge to many countries in the world. Faced with these challenges, the United States needs to respond resolutely and effectively. However, the current US policy toward China is fundamentally counterproductive.

Second, we believe that Beijing is not an economic enemy, nor does it pose a threat to the survival of the United States. There is no need to fight it in all areas. China is not a piece of iron, and the views of the leaders are not static. Despite the rapid growth of its economic and military power, Beijing has played an increasingly aggressive role in the international arena, but many Chinese officials and other elites know that it is in China’s interest to exercise restraint, pragmatism and sincere cooperation with the West. Washington’s hostile attitude toward China weakens the influence of these voices, making aggressive nationalists even more popular. If the right balance is struck between competition and cooperation, US action will help strengthen the position of leaders who want China to play a more constructive role in world affairs.

Third, the United States regards China as an enemy and attempts to dispel China’s economic ties with the global economy, which may undermine the image and reputation of the United States on the international stage and undermine the economic interests of all countries. The US opposition will not stop the Chinese economy from rising, and it will not prevent Chinese companies from occupying a larger global market share, nor will it be able to deter China from playing a bigger role in world affairs. In addition, if the United States wants to greatly delay the pace of China’s rise, it will inevitably hurt itself. If the United States puts pressure on its allies and demands that China be regarded as an economic and political enemy, it will weaken the relationship between the United States and its allies, and it may lead to itself, not Beijing, to fall into isolation.

Fourth, the fear that Beijing will replace the United States as a global leader is exaggerated. Such a result is not in the interest of most other countries, and it is not known whether Beijing itself considers this goal to be necessary or feasible. In addition, a government that limits the freedom of state citizens to access information and opportunities and suppresses minority groups will not gain strong international support or succeed in attracting global talent. For these practices, the best way for the United States to respond is to work with its allies and partners to open up a more open and prosperous world, and China will also have the opportunity to participate in the development of this world. Trying to isolate China will only weaken the role of Chinese who want China to become a more humane and tolerant society.

Fifth, although China has set a goal of becoming a world-class military power before the middle of this century, China still faces enormous obstacles in order to become a military power that dominates the world. However, Beijing’s growing military power has eroded America’s long-standing military dominance in the Western Pacific. In this respect, the best way to respond is not to compete with China’s open arms race to develop offensive and deep-strike weapons, nor to establish that it is almost impossible for the United States to regain its all-round dominance in areas directly reaching the Chinese border. The goal achieved. A more sensible policy is to strengthen cooperation with allies, maintain deterrence, strengthen defensive regional resilience, foster resilience, and increase the ability to thwart attacks on the United States or its allies.

Sixth, Beijing is trying to weaken the role of Western democratic norms within the global order, but Beijing does not attempt to overthrow the vital economic and other components of the order. For decades, China itself has gained significant benefits from order. In fact, China’s participation in the international system is crucial to the survival of this system and effective action on common issues such as climate change. The United States should encourage China to participate in new or revised global mechanisms. Among these mechanisms, emerging countries will be able to make a bigger voice. Treating China in a “zero-sum game” manner will only encourage Beijing to withdraw from the system, or create another set of global order, which will harm Western interests.

Seventh, in summary, a successful US China policy must focus on working with other countries to create a lasting alliance that supports its economic and security goals. China’s policy must be based on: realistically assessing China’s perceptions, interests, goals, and behaviors; accurately arranging the resources of the United States and its allies to match various policy objectives and interests; renewing efforts to strengthen the United States The ability of other countries to model. Ultimately, restoring America’s ability to compete effectively in a turbulent world and working with other countries and international organizations rather than implementing a set of counterproductive practices designed to obstruct or contain China’s engagement with the world is the best match. US interests.

We believe that this open letter has so many people clearly stated that some people have said that the consensus of all walks of life in Washington on China and the enemy is not there.

Letters from M. Taylor Fravel, Professor of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, former US Ambassador to China J. Stapleton Roy, and Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Researcher Michael D. Swaine, former US Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs Assistant Secretary of State Susan A. Thornton and Harvard University Honorary Retirement Professor Ezra Vogel.

In addition, the following scholars participated in the joint meeting:

James Acton, co-director of the Nuclear Issues Research Program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

Craig Allen, former US Ambassador to Brunei

Andrew Bacevich, co-founder of Quincy’s Institute of Responsible Governance

Jeffrey A. Bader, Senior Research Fellow, Brookings Institution

C. Fred Bergsten, Senior Research Fellow and Honorary Director, Peterson Institute for International Economics

Jan Berris, Vice-Chairman of the US-China Relations National Committee

Dennis J. Blasko, former military attache in China

Pieter Bottelier, Visiting Scholar, Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced Studies

Ian Bremmer, Chairman of the Eurasian Group

Richard Bush, Director of Taiwan Studies, Brookings Institution

Jerome A. Cohen, Professor, Director, American Institute of Asian Law, New York University

Warren I. Cohen, Emeritus Professor, University of Maryland

Bernard Cole, former US Navy captain

James F. Collins, US Ambassador to Russia

Gerald L Curtis, Professor Emeritus, Columbia University

Toby Dalton, Co-Director, Nuclear Research Program, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

Robert Daly, Director of the China-US Relations Institute at Kissinger Center, Wilson Center

Michael C. Desch, Director of International Security Center and Professor of International Affairs

Mac Destler, Emeritus Professor, School of Public Policy, University of Maryland

Bruce Dickson, Professor of Political Science and International Affairs, George Washington University

David Dollar, Senior Research Fellow, Brookings Institution

Peter Dutton, Senior Fellow, Institute of Asian Law, USA; Visiting Professor, New York University School of Law

Robert Einhorn, Senior Fellow at the Brookings Institution; Assistant Secretary of State for Non-Proliferation (2009-2013)

Amitai Etzioni, Professor of International Affairs, George Washington University

Thomas Fingar, Center for Asia Pacific Studies, Stanford University; former Deputy Director of National Intelligence Analysis (2005-2008)

Mary Gallagher, Professor of Political Science at the University of Michigan and Director of the Chinese Research Center of Li Ruru Luo Ruichi

John Gannon, guest professor at Georgetown University; former chairman of the National Intelligence Council (1997-2001)

Avery Goldstein, Professor of Global Politics and International Relations, University of Pennsylvania

Steven M. Goldstein, Director, Taiwan Research Center, Harvard University, Fellow, Research Fellow, China Research Center

David F. Gordon, Senior Advisor, International Strategy Institute; Director, former Policy Planning Bureau, US State Department (2007-2009)

Philip H. Gordon, Senior Fellow of Foreign Policy, US Foreign Relations Committee; Special Assistant to the Former President and Coordinator for the Middle East, Assistant Secretary of State for Europe and Eurasian Affairs

Morton H. Halperin, former Director of the State Council Policy Planning Bureau (1998-2001)

Lee Hamilton, former congressman; former chairman of the Wilson Center

Clifford A. Hart Jr., former US Consul General in Hong Kong and Macau (2013-2016)

Paul Heer, Adjunct Professor at George Washington University; East Asian National Intelligence Officer (2007-2015)

Eric Heginbotham, Principal Investigator, International Research Center, Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Ambassador Carla A. Hills, former US Trade Representative (1989-1993); Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, Hills & Company International Consulting

Jamie P. Horsley, Senior Research Fellow, China Center, Yale Law School

Yukon Huang, Senior Research Fellow, Carnegie Institute for International Peace

Frank Jannuzi, Chief Executive Officer, Mansfield Foundation

Robert Jervis, Professor of International and Public Affairs, Columbia University

Marvin Kalb, Senior Research Fellow at the Brookings Institution

Mickey Kantor, former Minister of Commerce (1996-1997); US Trade Representative (1993-1996)

Robert Kapp, President of Robert A. Kapp & Associates; former Chairman of the US-China Business Council; former Chairman of the Washington International Trade Council

Albert Keidel, Visiting Professor, George Washington University; Former Deputy Director, East Asia Country Office, Ministry of Finance (2001-2004)

Robert O. Keohane, Professor Emeritus International Affairs, Princeton University

William Kirby, Professor, Harvard Business School, Professor of Chinese Studies

Helena Kolenda, Director of Asia Project, Henry Luce Foundation

Charles Kupchan, Professor of International Affairs, Georgetown University; Senior Research Fellow, Council on Foreign Relations

David M. Lampton, Emeritus Professor, Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies; Research Fellow, Center for Asia Pacific Studies, Stanford University; Former Chairman, National Committee for US-China Relations

Nicholas Lardy, Senior Research Fellow, Peterson Institute for International Economics

Chung Min Lee, Senior Fellow, Carnegie Institute for International Peace

Herbert Levin, former member of the National Security Council and Policy Planning Committee

Cheng Li, Director and Senior Research Fellow, John Thornton China Center, Brookings Institution

Kenneth Lieberthal, Emeritus Professor, University of Michigan; Senior Director, Asia National Security Council (1998-2000)

Yawei Liu, Director of China Program, Carter Center

Jessica Mathews, Distinguished Research Fellow, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

James McGregor, Chairman, Greater China, Encore Consultants Limited

John McLaughlin, Distinguished Scholar, Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies; former Deputy Director and Acting Director of the Central Intelligence Agency (2000-2004)

Andrew Mertha, Professor, Johns Hopkins University, Director of China Program, School of Advanced International Studies

Alice Lyman Miller, Research Fellow, Hoover Institution, Stanford University

Mike Mochizuki, Director of Japan-US Research, George Washington University

Michael Nacht, Professor of Public Policy, University of California, Berkeley; Assistant Secretary of Global Strategy, Department of Defense (2009-2010)

Moises Naim, Distinguished Research Fellow, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

Joseph Nye, former Dean of the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University, Distinguished Professor

Kevin O’Brien, Professor of Political Science and Director of the East Asian Institute at the University of California, Berkeley

Jean Oi, Professor of Chinese Political Science, Stanford University

Stephen A. Orlins, Chairman of the National Committee on US-China Relations

William Overholt, Senior Fellow, Harvard University, Kennedy School of Government

Douglas Paal, Distinguished Research Fellow, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

Margaret M. Pearson, Distinguished Professor, University of Maryland

Peter C. Perdue, Professor, Department of History, Yale University

Elizabeth J. Perry, Professor, Department of Government, Harvard University, President of Yanjing Institute

Daniel W Piccuta, Deputy Director of the US Ambassador to China, Acting Ambassador

Thomas Pickering, former Deputy Secretary of State for Political Affairs of the US State Department (1997-2000); former US ambassador to the United Nations (1989-1992)

Paul R. Pillar, Senior Research Fellow, Georgetown University Security Research Center

Jonathan D. Pollack, Senior Research Fellow, John Thornton China Center, Brookings Institution

Barry Posen, Professor of International Politics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology; Director of the Security Research Program at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Shelley Rigger, Professor of East Asian Politics at Davidson College

Charles S. Robb, former US Senator (1989-2001); former Chairman of the East Asia Subcommittee of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee; Governor of Virginia (1982-1986)

Robert S. Ross, Professor of Political Science, Boston College

Scott D. Sagan, Professor of Political Science at Stanford University

Gary Samore, Senior Executive Director, Middle East Research Center, Brandeis University

Richard J. Samuels, Professor of International Politics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology; Director of the Center for International Studies

David Shear, former Assistant Secretary of Defense (2014-2016); former US Ambassador to Vietnam

Anne-Marie Slaughter, Director of the State Council’s former Policy Planning Bureau (2009-2011); Honorary Professor of Politics and International Affairs, Princeton University

Richard Sokolsky, Senior Research Fellow, Russia and Eurasian Project, Carnegie Institute for International Peace

James Steinberg, former Deputy Secretary of State (2009-2011)

Michael Szonyi, Professor of History at Harvard University, Director of the Chinese Research Center at Fairbank

Strobe Talbott, former Deputy Secretary of State (1994-2001)

Anne F. Thurston, former Senior Research Professor at the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies

Andrew G. Walder, Professor, School of Humanities and Science, Stanford University

Graham Webster, Coordinator of the New American DigiChina Project at Stanford University

David A. Welch, Research Chair, Ballisili International School of Politics

Daniel B. Wright, Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of Green Point Strategy Consulting; former Executive Director of China and Strategic Economics Dialogue, Ministry of Finance

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