Todd Bishop
From May 15th to 16th, local time, political observers from Hanoi to Ho Chi Minh City ushered in an exciting 24 hours. From April 14th, the Vietnamese president of the “unknown whereabouts” and the general secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Vietnam, Fu Fuzhong, reappeared after concealing a month and hold two important meetings within two days.
Compared with the rich and quiet return to the political center of Hanoi, the Vietnamese leader who is almost “one-of-a-kind” may be more concerned about the political ecology of Vietnam: his first “Central Leader” on May 14 The meeting is enough to illustrate the problem.
In this meeting, in addition to Fu Fuzhong, only the Vietnamese Prime Minister Qi Chunfu, the President of the National Assembly, the Gold and Silver, the Standing Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Vietnam, Chen Guowang, and the Director of the Central Office of the Communist Party of Vietnam, Qi Wennian, attended the meeting. During the meeting, the four men briefed Yu Fuzhong on the recent developments of the four major institutions of the Central Office of the Communist Party of China, the General Office of the National Assembly, the Office of the President of the State, and the Office of the Government. They were also reported by Yan Wennian, who was first attending the conference.
At present, the mainstream media of Vietnamese party and government, such as Yuetongshe, People’s Daily and People’s Army Daily, have begun to use “main leaders” or “leaders” (all of which are different translations of Vietnamese Lanh dao chu chot) I have specifically called these four people. It was also placed in front of the sequence of the members of the Politburo Central Committee, the Central Secretariat, and the Congress and government leaders.
At this point, in 2021, before the “Thirteenth National Congress”, the Vietnamese government temporarily showed a clear sequence of leadership decisions. The formation of this sequence also marks the outdatedness of traditional concepts such as the “four carriages” and “four pillars” of Vietnamese politics.
General Secretary’s stroke does not hinder the overall situation
Yu Fuzhong’s physical condition has been poor since the southern patrol on April 14. After two weeks of concealing in Hanoi, he finally admitted this on April 26.
The Vietnamese Ministry of Foreign Affairs still stressed that 阮富仲 himself had health problems because of “too much work” and “hot weather”, saying that “Comrade Fu Fuzhong will return to health as soon as possible and return to normal work.” This press conference has also intensified the doubts about the “stroke” of Fu Zhongzhong.
However, the health problems of Fu Fuzhong did not bring many fluctuations to the Vietnamese political scene. In the month after he retired, the size of Hanoi’s affairs was determined by Prime Minister Hunchun Fu and the President of the National Assembly, Mr. It can be seen that the health problems of Fu Fuzhong may not really affect the political order in Hanoi. The current political structure in Vietnam will not be subject to serious fluctuations due to the health problems of Fuzhong. When Fu Fuzhong himself showed flexibility in the TV programs on May 15th and 16th. The doubts of the previous “stroke” can also be dispelled.
After all, there is no such a “stroke” storm, and Fu Fuzhong’s status as the core of Hanoi has been determined. Previously, Hanoi had issued a collection of essays on April 12th. The booklet entitled “Determining the Prevention and Suppression of Corruption” contains 31 speeches, manuscripts and interviews to showcase the “management of politics” and related thinking during the anti-corruption period in Vietnam. This kind of means similar to the Chinese publication “Xi Jinping’s Talk on Governing the Country” also reflects the solid position of the rich and the core.
In the face of Vietnam’s latest plan to “completely build a modern industrial country as early as 2020”, Yu Fuzhong and the people from all walks of life in the community will not waste time on the details and rumors of “stroke.” Hanoi also demonstrated its orderly order under the “leadership backbone” mechanism during the period of Fu Zhongzhong.
When these “leaders of leadership” emphasized in front of Fu Fuzhong that “a high degree of consensus was reached on the core work in May and in the future”, the sequence established after the “suggested in one” of the rich and the rich also clearly answered another eagerly cracked by the outside world. The question is how the future leadership system and the core of Vietnam will be formed.
Leadership responsibility
For many people who are fluent in Vietnamese politics, the political sequence in Hanoi seems to still be guessed by inertia. After the political structure of the decentralization of the “four carriages” of the General Secretary of Vietnam, the President of the State, the Prime Minister and the President of the National Assembly was outdated, the outside world quickly established another “four pillars” paradigm around 2016. After the death of former Vietnamese president Chen Daguang in 2018, the successor chairman, Fu Fuzhong, did not immediately change the political environment established after the 12th National Congress of the Communist Party of China. The major media in Vietnam even have the intention to avoid the relevant words of the “core”.
But by 2019, the situation may be different. The implementation of “anti-corruption” and “party discipline”, known as the “fire-stove”, has re-established Hanoi’s confidence after the massive anti-corruption in 2018. The Vietnamese Communist Party shouted slogans such as “firming confidence, strengthening faith”, “cultivating cadres of workers and peasants”, and “not afraid of losing talents for anti-corruption” and strengthening the party-government ties between the central and local governments.
On the other hand, the Vietnamese Communist Party sent eight work inspection teams in 2018 to thoroughly investigate the “serious corruption crimes and economic crimes” in 20 provinces and municipalities, with the principle of “no exclusion zone” and “no exceptions”. The Hong Kong case, the Vietnam Oil and Gas Group case, and the Ministry of Public Security’s online gambling case were breakthroughs. The local councils, oil and gas groups, banks, the Ministry of Public Security, the Ministry of Communications and Media, etc. were thoroughly investigated, and the economy, security, and people’s livelihood were intervened from top to bottom. Corruption, waste, and evil forces.
Although the anti-corruption and anti-blocking process in Vietnam is not smooth, and some cases are gradually showing the situation of the case, it is difficult to make more progress. In 2018, after Zhang Mingjun, the former Minister of Communications and Media of Vietnam was investigated, the chairman of the Vietnam Military Telecommunications Company took over as the acting minister, which made the outside world quite confused. However, all walks of life in Vietnam are still recognized for this large-scale anti-corruption. The prestige and authority of the Viet Cong have been boosted, and it is acceptable for the rich leader of the Qing Dynasty to be “fixed to one.”
At present, Hanoi has established its own “economic, cultural, social, national defense security, foreign, party building and anti-corruption and anti-corruption” action focus. The anti-corruption and anti-corruption is still the center of action that Yu Fuzhong personally questioned.
In the case of Mr. Fu Zhongzhong, he has instructed the Central Office of the Communist Party of China to “actively work closely with various functional agencies” to provide staff and staff for the “leadership backbone” to ensure that the activities are carried out efficiently. The behavior of “maximum effect and effectiveness” will also become the policy that Vietnam will continue to adopt before and after the “13th National Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam” in 2021.
